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Abraham Lincoln 


Nlilitary Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States 


COMMANDERY OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA 


MEMORIAL MEETING 

FEBRUARY 13, 1918 


1918 








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Commandery of the State of Pennsylvania 

FEBRUARY 13, 1918 


ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
March 4, 1861, to April i^, 1865 


Born February 12, 1809, in Hardin (La Rue) Co., Kentucky 
Assassinated April 14, 1865; died April 15, 1865, at Washington, D. C. 
Enrolled by Special Resolution April 16, 1865 


''The Exponent of Democracy'^ 


Companion Walter George Smith 







ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

“The Exponent of Democracy” 

By Companion Walter George Smith 


Commander and Companions: 

Fifty-three years have elapsed since the assassin’s bullet ended the mortal 
life of Abraham Lincoln, yet as distance from the stirring epoch in which he lived 
grows greater and the mists of passion clear away, his grandeur looms more 
distinct and his singular excellences of character and conduct become more 
luminous. His memory is not only the precious possession of his countrymen 
but, like Washington’s, it belongs to all mankind. Truly was it said as he 
breathed his last by that imperious man who had passed with him through the 
storm of civil war and had felt not infrequently the firm but gentle domination 
that brooked no resistance when any principle of justice was involved, “Now 
he belongs to the ages.’’ Wherever the printed page is read, in any language, 
his simple trenchant utterances find an echo in the minds of sound political 
thinkers, while poetry and legend have lifted his name to those high peaks where 
but few have been enthroned by the common admiration of mankind. In the 
forests of Paraguay, Indians wear medals bearing his image, while an English 
statesman appeals to his utterances as the final gospel of democratic freedom. 

To the few surviving veterans of this historic Legion, men who at his call 
went forth to four long years of bivouac, battle and siege, every phase of his 
life and character has been brought home by the eloquence of orators, the writ¬ 
ings of students, the reflections ot philosophers, the ardent love of all re^l believers 
in the truths upon which the fabric of our government was woven by the fathers 
of its Constitution. I cannot essay to add so much as a single stone to the pyra¬ 
mid of glory of which he himself laid the foundations in his earnest life. It 
would be well nigh presumptous to attempt eulogy with the knowledge of what 
has been said by the great and the humble of this man, but as we are assembled 
in accordance with annual custom to gather inspiration from a consideration of 
some aspects of his career, I thought it well to ask your attention to that which 
stands out from all others. He was a democrat in the truest sense of a word 
that is not always understood and is frequently misapplied. Indeed, it is not 


WALTER GEORGE SMITH 

Eligibility derived as the eldest son of Deceased Companion Brevet Major- 
General Thomas Kilby Smith. 

Lieut.-Colonel 54th Ohio Infantry September 9, 1861. Colonel October 
31, 1861; discharged for promotion August 25, 1863. 

Brig.-General U. S. Volunteers August 11, 1863; honorably mustered out 
January 15, 1866. 

Brevetted Major-General U. S. Volunteers March 13, 1865, “for gallant 
and meritorious services during the war.’’ 


5 




Abraham Lincoln, The Exponent oe Democracy 


too much to say that outside of the peoples who speak the English tongue and 
have been nourished upon the principles of democracy as they have been slowly 
evolved during a thousand years of the world’s history on that island which is 
the mother home of English speaking peoples, whether in this Republic, in Canada, 
in Australia or in New Zealand, there are few indeed who understand it. Democ¬ 
racy means a government based upon the consent, free and untrammelled, of 
all the people expressed by a majority and embodied in a political constitution 
which recognizes the inalienable rights of life, liberty and property of every 
individual within the limits prescribed by reasonable rules for the preservation 
of order. Such a government may be administered under the form of a monarchy 
as well as of a republic. It is not the form but the substance that responds to 
the test. A tyrannous majority may constitute a despotism even more hateful 
than that of a single individual. The anti-social doctrines which found expres¬ 
sion under the name of Republicanism during the horrible years of the revolution 
of 1789 in France and the wild dreams of those who would set up a similar cari¬ 
cature of government in Russia in our own day, are accepted by the ignorant 
of other races and too often by those who by birth and education should know 
better, as democratic; but they are after all only tyranny. They deify the will 
of emotional and self-seeking men under the name of the commonwealth. They 
substitute for the moral sway of one tyrant that of the mob. Human nature 
in and of itself, without regard to race and tradition, is not capable of appreci¬ 
ating or understanding democratic government. Speak to the savage of self- 
control or respect for the rights of others, or for any law but that of the strongest, 
and you appeal to a mind incapable of grasping your thought. Nor can those 
who have made some advance, nay very great advance, upon the road to civili¬ 
zation be brought at once to realize that the stability of a community rests upon 
the recognition of individual rights under the law. In the sense in which the 
term is used among men who have inherited the English habit of thought, obvi¬ 
ously democracy is the highest ideal towards which government can approach; 
and it can come only to a self-controlled people educated to an appreciation of 
its obligations. Those who would force democracy on a people not sufficiently 
intelligent to accept it, understand little of its essential requisites. To sustain 
it there must be a common recognition of the existence of rights equal for all 
men, under a system of political law springing from the common attitude towards 
justice. “Democracy,” said Theodore Parker, “is direct self-government over 
all the people, for all the people, by all the people.” It was perhaps an un¬ 
conscious echo of this definition that caused Lincoln to use a similar phrase in 
his immortal Gettysburg address. His biography tells us how it arrested his 
attention when it first fell under his eye. 

Democracy was not evolved in its highest and best sense from man made 
philosophies, even though they bear the name of a Plato or an Aristotle. 
The fatal defect in them all was the acceptance of slavery. Where slavery 
exists, even in its most kindly and modified form, there can be no democracy. 
Democracy finds its sure basis upon the Christian faith, which required super¬ 
natural revelation to bring its truth home to men, the only faith which teaches 
the essential equality of all human souls in the scheme of redemption. Once the 
Christian belief has entered into the minds of men, there follows an appreciation 
of the injustice of exploiting any man or any class of men, for the benefit of 


6 



Abraham Lincoln, The Exponent of Democracy 


others. If every human soul is so precious in the sight of God that He deemed 
it worthy to send his Son on earth to suffer and die that it might have the chance 
• of salvation, then everything that puts the mark of oppression of man over man 
becomes a sin in the sight of their common Father. 

Although Lincoln was no theologian, it would seem that from his earliest 
manhood this truth had become his strongest conviction. It is hard for us to 
realize that south of the Ohio River less than three generations ago, such sights 
as revolted his keen sense of justice when he saw manacled slaves for the first 
time, were of common occurrence; that human slavery which at first was prac¬ 
tised in all the world was still maintained as a just and Christian institution by 
descendants of English men; and was abolished only at the cost of the greatest 
civil war of modern history. It took long years of bitter controversy to bring 
home to the people of the United States, intelligent and liberty-loving as they 
were, that in the long run there could be noJasting compromise with moral 
evil. The lesson now so easily learned was obscure to many self-respecting 
moralists until Lincoln demonstrated with his invincible reasoning that this 
country could not endure half slave and half free, and applied the words of our 
Saviour that a kingdom divided against itself must surely fall. Either the 
American people would go backwards into the darkness of feudal conditions, 
or forwards to the light. No one not a lover of his kind, no one not a democrat 
in the truest sense of the term, could have taken the stand which Lincoln, Chase, 
Seward and their compeers made their own in the days when obloquy was the 
only sure reward to follow. 

There is a vast difference between the mental processes of men such as these 
and of impetuous, emotional people who, seeing an evil, cannot wait until it 
\ is plucked out, no matter what may be the consequence to the good with which 

it is entwined. Unlike the man of the gospel who permitted the tares and the 
wheat to grow together until the harvest time permitted their safe separation, 
they would at once root out the tares, without consideration that thereby the 
whole harvest would be destroyed. We cannot but respect the self-sacrificing 
bravery of the pioneers of reform, but the government of men is a subtle and 
complex problem, and often the patient endurance of temporary evil is wiser 
in the long run than the impetuous methods of emotional leaders, with whom 
egotism and self complacency take the place of prudence. 

Lincoln’s greatness of mind was the concomitant of a patient character tried 
in a school of uttermost hardship. He came up from a poverty so great that no 
instance of history is comparable with his triumph over it. He was self-educated, 
and attained a perfection in the use of language which has made his writings 
a model of style, while his thoughts were regulated by a logical faculty which 
enabled him to penetrate to the heart of every problem he was required to solve. 
Human nature was to him an open book. The common failings of men appealed 
to his keen sense of humor, their sufferings aroused his continued sympathy. 
Too wise not to realize his own limitations, he was ever humble minded. There 
is no record of any word or deed to show any feeling of self-exaltation in his 
whole career, not even when by the sheer force of his own will be conquered 
circumstances and took his place among the rulers of the earth. At this crisis 
in the world’s history, there is much to be gained in pondering on what he was 
and on what he did. Everywhere the great principle of democracy is on trial. 


7 



Abraham Lincoln, The Exponent of Democracy 


Boldly challenged by the military despotism which wields the united power of 
Prussia and her vassals, should democracy fail in the present war the harvest 
of centuries of struggle will be lost. The war of the rebellion tested the power 
of democracy to overcome the cancerous growth of slavery, but the work of 
Lincoln and his associates was to save the Union. Upon its maintainance 
depended the success of the experiment of democratic self-government upon a 
larger scale than had ever been attempted before. The work succeeded largely 
because of his steadfast belief that it was a work not of aggrandizement for 
individual or nation, but because it was a work essentially of justice. 

We have waxed rich and prosperous as a people because of the tenacity which 
Lincoln showed and the support that was given him by the soldiers in the field 
and the masses at home. We are now in danger because we have forgotten the 
lessons of experience. We shall be saved by recurring to the principles for 
which Lincoln stood. It is not by material wealth nor by shirking sufferings 
that nations survive. The whole civilized world watched but did nothing while 
the forces of tyranny and reaction girded themselves for a half century to conquer 
and rob it. Those nations which professed the democratic faith forgot that the 
blessings of free government do not come like light and air without struggle; 
that all gifts and blessings are accompanied by corresponding responsibility. 
We Americans have allowed ourselves to trifle with the ideals of our ancestors. 
Immersed in the pursuit of the means, we have forgotten the end. Stealthily 
and surely, selfish schemers have laid their yoke upon ignorant voters, while 
the natural leaders of the community have held aloof from public affairs. Great ' 
municipalities have fallen under the control of men whose first thought has been 
for themselves. The sudden shock of war has shown the weak spots in our 
polity. Three years have passed since the atrocious attempt to enslave the mo¬ 
dern world began in the Austrian attack on Servia and the German on Belgium. 
We were slow to realize that our duty and our salvation as a nation combined 
to require us to use our every resource to resist these assaults on every principle 
of justice and international law. We saw our citizens slaughtered, our flag 
insulted, our dignity outraged, and had to make a choice between the loss of 
honor and the acceptance of war. Even in the midst of the hardships which 
have resulted from accepting the issue, we can rejoice that at last we have set 
our feet upon the right path and have not lost by cowardice the rich heritage 
that has come to us from the wisdom and bravery of other generations. Can 
we doubt what would have been the attitude of Lincoln had he lived in this 
generation? We are told by Herndon that as late as 1856 after the Bloomington 
Convention in Illinois had adopted a declaration against the pro-slavery 
Nebraskan legislation, when Lincoln had made a speech so great that the emotions 
of the reporters overcame them and they dropped their pens to follow his words, 
his fellow citizens of Springfield were so cold there w^as but one besides Herndon 
and Lincoln himself who had the courage to attend a ratification meeting. To 
those two men he spoke these words: “While all seems dead, the age itself is 
not. It liveth as sure as our Maker liveth. Under all this seeming want of 
life and motion, the world does move, nevertheless. Be hopeful. And now 
let us adjourn, and appeal to the people.” Therein spoke the great exponent of 
American democracy. Undiscouraged by the apathy and timidity of his friends 
and neighbors, he was content to wait until the full force of the truth which that 


8 



Abraham Lincoln, The Exponent of Democracy 


little group represented should come home to the apprehension of the people, and 
then his faith in their ultimate sense of justice left him confident of their decision. 

It may be that the growth of population, the undigested mass of foreign 
immigrants, the unhappy prejudices handed down by tradition against one of 
the allied nations, make it even more difficult for the truth of the present issue 
to reach to the masses of our people; but human nature has not changed since 
Lincoln’s day, and we see from hour to hour the irresistible power of public 
opinion crystallizing against the arch enemy of democracy and Christian civili¬ 
zation. As of old the prophet spoke so we may now say, “Woe to thee that 
spoilest, shall not thou also be spoiled? And dealest scornfully, shall not they 
also deal scornfully with thee? When thou shalt cease to spoil, thou shalt be 
spoiled; when thou shalt be weary, and make an end to deal scornfully, they shall 
deal scornfully with thee.’’ Isaiah 33-1. 

When Lincoln delivered his great speech accepting his nomination to the 
Senate, on the 17th of June, 1858, it w^as in the face of the protest of most of 
his political friends. He read it to them before delivery and in reply to their 
comment he answered: “Friends, this thing has been retarded long enough. 
The time has come when all these sentiments should be uttered; and if it is 
decreed that I should go down because of this speech, then let me go down linked 
to the truth—let me die in the advocacy of what is just and right.’’ Often as 
it has been quoted, let us listen again to this passage: “ ‘A house divided against 
itself cannot stand.’ I believe this government cannot endure permanently 
half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not 
expect the house to fall—but I do expect it to cease to be divided—it will become 
all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the 
further spread of it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief 
that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward 
until it becomes alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new. North as well 
as South.” 

Under the providence of God the nations of the earth in our day are closely 
joined by common interests. The subjection of the forces of steam and elec¬ 
tricity have brought them together in some degree, even closer than were the 
States of the Union when Lincoln uttered his prophetic words. It is not now 
chattel slavery which divides opinion into two hostile camps but, as it has been 
phrased, autocracy on the one hand and democracy on the other. Through 
centuries of alternate victory and defeat, the democratic philosophy of govern¬ 
ment has slowly asserted itself. Misunderstood, misapplied, abused and dis¬ 
torted as it has been by shallow philosophers and fanatical sciolists, it stands 
the hope of mankind. As Lincoln said: “It is the eternal struggle between these 
two principles, right and wrong, throughout the world. They are the two 
principles that have stood face to face from the beginning of time and will ever 
continue to struggle. The one is the common right of humanity and the other 
the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape it develops 
itself. It is the same spirit that says ‘You work and toil and earn bread and 
I eat it.’ No matter in what shape it comes, whether from the mouth of a king 
who seeks to destroy the people of his own nation to live by the fruit of their 
labor, or from one race of men as apology for enslaving another race, it is the 
same tyrannical principle.” 


9 




Abraham Lincoln, The Exponent of Democracy 


The life of Lincoln will be always associated in the minds of the American 
people with that of his great and gifted rival, Douglas. From their young man¬ 
hood these two men were in constant association and their talents placed them 
each at the head of a great party. We can see clearly now what Douglas did 
not see, that the issue of slavery was a moral issue and could not be compromised. 
The unerring instinct of Lincoln saw what Douglas could not see, with all 
his gifts. In paying tribute to the breadth and democratic spirit of Lincoln, 
let us not forget the lesson to be drawn from the glorious sunset of Douglas’s 
disappointing life. When he had witnessed the inauguration of his great rival, 
he realized that the storm of civil war was really about to burst. He hastened 
back to Illinois and there addressed the legislature on the 25th of April, 1861, 
in language which went to the heart of his followers and sent thousands and 
thousands of recruits to the Union armies. Hear his words: “When hostile 
armies are marching under a new and odious banners against-the government 
of our country, the shortest way to peace is the most stupendous and unanimous 
preparation for war.” Two months afterwards at the age of 48 his life was ended, 
but for four years more through storm and strife, the friend and rival whose 
triumph he had witnessed and to whose support he gave his dying efforts, steered 
the Ship of State until it finally reached the harbor of safety. The same spirit 
of devoted and unselfish patriotism will be the salvation of our republic in these 
modern days, however great may be the trials through which it must pass. 
The sacred traditions obscured perhaps for a time, present themselves with 
renewed force in our own troubled days. 

The singular breadth of Lincoln’s democracy is of course exemplified in his 
attitude towards the central controlling question of his time, slavery and the 
preservation of the Union. On the one hand he had to deal with the extreme 
pro-slavery men who defended the institution, not alone on grounds of expediency 
and justice, but on that of religion; on the other hand, the extreme abolitionists 
who would willingly have seen the disruption of the Union rather than com¬ 
promise with the abhorred evil. In his fine tribute at the Centennial celebra¬ 
tion in New York, Lyman Abbott shows the appreciation of the undercurrents 
of human nature which distinguished Lincoln in dealing with these extreme 
views. No one should have doubted his moral antipathy to the system, and 
his poignant sympathy with its black victims. In speaking of the position of 
the negro in the senatorial contest, he said: 

“All the powers of the earth seem rapidly combining against him. Mammon 
is after him, ambition follows, philosophy follows, and the theology of the day 
is fast joining the cry. They have him in his prison house. They have searched 
his person and left no prying instrument with him. One after another they have 
closed the heavy iron doors upon him and now they have him, as it were, bolted 
in with a lock of a hundred keys which can never be unlocked without the con¬ 
currence of every key—the key in the hands of a hundred different men and they 
scatterred to a hundred different and distant places; and they stand musing as 
to what invention in all the dominions of mind and matter can be produced to 
make the impossibility of his escape more complete than it is.” 

Yet, Lincoln harbored no bitterness towards the slaveholders. He thought, 
“They are just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did not now 
exist among them, they would not introduce it. If it did now exist among us. 


10 




Abraham Lincoln, The Exponent of Democracy 


we should not instantly give it up.” So he contented himself with his first and 
certain cure,—a cure which would have worked itself out, we cannot doubt, 
had not the sword of civil war cut the disease from our political system by its 
quick and cruel surgery. “No further extension of slavery on American soil,” 
was the one principle on which he was inflexible. 

Even in the midst of a world war, in the contemplation of which our civil 
war, prodigious as it was in its theatre of action and its consequences, becomes 
dwarfed, we can but look forward to the grave problems that are to follow 
its cessation. That the democratic peoples of the earth will never submit to 
any but an effective and just peace, is not possible. But when German aggres¬ 
sion is overcome and the military caste is humbled, the world will be a vastly 
different world than that we knew before the fatal days of 1914. None can 
grasp the possibilities of what may follow the changed attitude of society towards 
social and economic questions. Reverence for our most sacred constitutional 
ideals has already given place in many minds to a sympathy open or latent for 
socialistic theories of the State’s function, and these theories are themselves the 
product of German philosophy and the reaction against German practice. The 
inevitable consequence of the disintegrating effects of class selfishness is State 
management of the great industries on which the physical well being of society 
depends. Men value liberty, but in the long run they will sacrifice liberty if 
they think thereby to gain security. There will be necessary for the recon¬ 
struction of industrial peace, vital adjustments between the forces of capital 
and labor which should be allied and which are antagonistic. Here again the 
beneficent thoughts of Lincoln make his democratic ideals show the path of 
endeavor. I borrow from Dr. Abbott two quotations which are typical. In a 
letter to the Workingmen’s Association of New York, he wrote: 

“Labor is prior to, and independent of, capital. Capital is only the fruit 
of labor and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is 
the superior of capital and deserves much the higher consideration. Capital 
has its rights which are worthy of protection as any other rights, nor is it denied 
that there is and probably always will be a relation between capital and labor 
producing mutual benefits. The error is in assuming that the whole labor of 
the community exists within that relation. . . .There is not of necessity any 
• such thing as the free, hired laborer being fixed to that condition for life. Many 
independent, everywhere in these States, a few years back in their lives were 
hired laborers. The prudent penniless beginner in the world labors for wages a 

while_and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the just 

and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all—gives hope to 
all, and consequent energy and progress and improvement of condition to all.” 

How sincere was his advocacy of this theory will appear from his statement 
of his humble beginning. “I am not ashamed to confess that twenty-five years 
ago I was a hired laborer, mauling rails, at work on a flat boat just what might 
happen to any poor man’s son. I want other men to have a chance and I 
think the black man is entitled to it, in which he can better his condition—when 
he may look forward in hope to be a hired laborer this year and the next work for 

himself and finally to hire men to work for him. This is the true system. 

Thus you can better your condition, and so it may go on and on in one ceaseless 
round so long as man exists on the face of the earth.” 


11 




Abraham Lincoln, The Exponent of Democracy 


The growth and development of corporate enterprises, the magnitude of the 
work which in our modern civilization requires the system and combination 
that can be attained only through corporate effort, have obscured the import¬ 
ance of the individual. But corporations are made up of individuals, and the 
individual sense of justice sooner or later brings about a system of checks and 
balances which are measured by the force of what the community believes to 
be right. There can be no real prosperity based upon an unjust system, and - 
that which fails to protect the individual in the enjoyment of his rights under 
the law will sooner or later go the way of the discarded lumber of the past. There 
is no easy way to meet the complicated problems of modern society, which be¬ 
come more complicated as population and wealth increase, but the spirit in 
which they are approached can be educated and is not more difficult of apprehen¬ 
sion now than when the foundations of the Republic were; laid. As it was 
grasped and assimilated by the Western lawyer meditating over his labors, 
whether of the hand or the head, in those years of his preparation to be the pilot 
of democracy, it can be grasped and assimilated by any open-minded man 
today. It is not drawn from any mysterious theory, but from the compelling 
doctrine first taught by Him whose sinless years were “breathed beneath the 
Syrian blue.” 

The doctrine embodies principles of justice and charity so simple that a 
child may understand it and so profound that without it all the efforts of human 
wisdom must come to naught. It is written large in every great act of Lincoln’s 
life. 


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